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http://www.killingtrain.com/node/643
The NATO Occupation and Fundamentalism: An Interview with Miriam of RAWA
Justin Podur
August 13/08
ISLAMABAD – The Revolutionary Association of the Women of Afghanistan
(RAWA) is a women's organization that runs underground schools and
other projects, educates Afghan girls, runs a periodic journal, and
agitates politically for women's rights, human rights, secularism, and
social justice in Afghanistan. From the 1979 Soviet invasion through
to the 2006 closings of the camps, millions of Afghan refugees lived
in Pakistan and many still do. While RAWA's operations were always
based primarily in Afghanistan, they have also had a strong presence
in the Pakistan refugee community. I spoke to Mariam from RAWA in
Islamabad when I was there in July 2008.
JUSTIN PODUR (JP): To begin, perhaps you could introduce readers to
RAWA and its work in Afghanistan and Pakistan.
MARIAM (RAWA): RAWA was begun in 1977 in Kabul as an organization of
Afghan women for human rights and women's equality. After the Soviet
invasion, some RAWA members were imprisoned in Kabul, and as a huge
number of refugees fled to Pakistan, RAWA also shifted its focus
somewhat, and began to work with refugee women and children in
Peshawar (the capital city of the North West Frontier Province in
Pakistan, close to the Afghan border). We began providing humanitarian
services and some social assistance, through which we also tried to
educate Afghan women of their rights. We continued our political
activities, but because of the security situation in Afghanistan it
was not easy. We continued to work underground in some Afghan cities.
When the Soviet occupation was followed by the fundamentalists’ bloody
rule and later the Taliban regime, we continued to work both in
Afghanistan and Pakistan. We ran literacy programs, orphanages and
schools in Afghanistan, but a lot of our public, political statements
were made from Pakistan. We publish a political magazine called Payam-
e-Zan (Women’s Message). Today under the NATO occupation and after the
closing of the refugee camps, we do the political part mostly from
Afghanistan as well, but much of our work is still semi-underground
due to grave security risks.
JP: Can you say something about how RAWA is organized, how you
'recruit', where RAWA's leaders are drawn from?
RAWA: Through our literacy programs, orphanages, and schools, RAWA has
had contact with many girls over the past 15-20 years. There is a deep
difference between the life of women in Afghan society who have lived
through war, the Taliban, and the fundamentalists, in normal domestic
life, and those girls that have been basically raised by or worked
with RAWA. The latter have different vision, ideas, and mentality;
they are aware of their rights and know that they must fight to
achieve it. Some of them continue to work for RAWA after they are
grown up. Some are adult women when they get involved and their whole
families get involved. Some young girls and boys get involved. Others
are involved who don't yet read and write but become attached to RAWA,
especially in rural areas, where RAWA members live and work and are
part of the community with the people.
JP: And what is the situation of Afghan refugees in Pakistan today?
RAWA: In general, Pakistan has been better to Afghan refugees compared
to Iran or other neighboring countries. There have been some limits.
The life in refugee camps was very hard and with very basic resources.
The majority of the camps were under the control of fundamentalist
parties who imposed their restrictions on the refugees. Work for
democratic-minded groups such as RAWA was very hard and risky. Many
Afghan freedom-loving individuals were assassinated by Jehadi groups
with the help of Pakistani ISI. Meena, RAWA’s founder, was one of
them. But despite all the problems, RAWA had its presence in some of
the camps and we were running a refugee camp in suburbs of Peshawar
for over two decades until it was finally forcibly evacuated by the
Pakistan government some months ago.
In 2001-2002, after the US invasion and occupation, large numbers of
Afghans went back. The Peshawar refugee communities were basically
emptied, but due to bad conditions, returning to Afghanistan is still
an unattractive option for many refugees.
When the government decided to close some refugee camps in 2006, it
had a huge effect. Most of the refugees were forced to leave, even
though they had lost everything in Afghanistan: they had no jobs, no
shelter, nothing to go back to. And in fact no one knows what happened
to them. Those families who have returned to Afghanistan are very
disappointed with the lack of any job and facilities in Afghanistan,
and many came back to seek refuge to Pakistan for the second time.
Today according to the UNHCR, refugees are coming back to Pakistan and
they are trying to find places in the cities. When there is any
tension between the Afghanistan and Pakistan governments, the Afghan
refugees who suffer the most. Pakistan puts pressure on refugees to
return to Afghanistan. But the people in the border areas are the same
people – they share language, culture, clothing, tradition. After
thirty years, too, many refugees saw Pakistan as their second country.
Afghans know Pakistan supports the Taliban and the fundamentalists in
Afghanistan, but the political crisis won't weaken the relations of
the people across the border.
JP: Perhaps we could complete the introduction with a bit of your
analysis of the political and military situation in Afghanistan.
RAWA: It is a complicated situation. We have NATO's occupation and the
interference of neighbors, Pakistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia, Tajikistan,
Russia etc. all of whom have supported different fundamentalist groups
in recent years. The Taliban control some areas and in recent months
even reached the borders of Kabul. They are being supported by some
circles in Pakistan. Even the Iranian regime sends arms and ammunition
to the Taliban. Afghan civilians are the prime victims of Taliban
brutalities, again, including their suicide bombings. The brothers-in-
creed of the Taliban, the Northern Alliance, are in power today and
generously supported by the US government. Much of the northern part
of Afghanistan is ruled by the local warlords of the northern
alliance. The government of Hamid Karzai has no tangible control
there. The Taliban and other Islamic movements are the enemy of the
Afghan people. And their strength is supported by the US and the West.
The support the fundamentalists get from outside makes it difficult
for the Afghan people to resist them. On the other hand the US/NATO
play a Tom and Jerry game with the Taliban and Al-Qaeda, while
ordinary Afghans severely suffer from the impact of their blind
bombardments and we witness awful tragedies of civilian casualties on
a daily basis.
JP: You have described all of these Islamic political movements as
enemies of the people, whether they are supported by the West or
fighting NATO. I have heard the argument here that Pakistan and
Afghanistan are deeply religious countries, and any political movement
has to contend with that fact. As a consequence, I have heard that
groups like RAWA isolate themselves because of their uncompromising
stand on secularism and religion. Do you find that your secularism
makes you unpopular?
RAWA: That is the impression the Western media give of Afghan society.
Maybe it is true from their eye. We Afghans have lived through it. How
it expresses itself depends on many factors, including social,
cultural, and economic factors. We have worked in some of what would
be called the most 'backward' areas, very religious, without much
recognition of women's rights. But after some time, and sometimes it
is quite quickly, over weeks or months, they come to like what we are
doing and even get involved, even whole families. We have seen this in
some areas. So I do not agree that the country as a whole couldn't
accept democratic rights or secular values. It needs time and work to
build social and political awareness, and in recent years people have
not had that opportunity.
The brand of Islam the fundamentalists present is different from that
of common Afghan people. Their Islam is a political Islam and each
party has their own brand, which contradict each other. The Islam of
Mullah Omar is different from the Islam of Burhanuddin Rabbani or
Rasul Sayyaf, and these groups have been at war for years although
they all pretend to be true Muslims. The fundamentalist groups have
committed unprecedented crimes under the name of Islam over the past
two decades. Today Afghans are so fed up with them that majority of
Afghans support any voice raised against the fundamentalists. When
Malalai Joya spoke against them for only 2 minutes in the Loya Jirga,
her voice was soon echoed and supported by millions of Afghan across
the country and she was called a heroine and voice of the voiceless.
The fundamentalists impose their domination with the help of their
weapons, foreign masters and money. Without these, they have no
footing in Afghan society.
JP: Is the NATO' occupation helping or harming Afghanistan? Can it be
used somehow to strengthen progressive forces? Is it holding back a
Taliban victory which would be worse than the current situation?
RAWA: Seven years ago when the US invaded, the situation was
different. Many Afghans appreciated their presence and were happy to
get rid of the Taliban's oppressive rule. They thought – the Taliban
had been eliminated, the international community worked, they were
promised a better life, democracy and freedom and an end to the
fundamentalist groups. Within months, it was clear that the US
government still continues its wrong policy of supporting the
fundamentalists in Afghanistan. We saw that the US rely on the
fundamentalists of the Northern Alliance to fight another
fundamentalist band – the Taliban. It doesn't matter if they fight the
Taliban or “terrorism”, they are supporting the Northern Alliance, and
for Afghans both are the same – both are terrorists and
fundamentalists, supported by foreign governments, whether by the
West, or Pakistan, Iran, Saudi Arabia or any other country. They
violate human rights, they abuse women, they commit corruption and
fraud and smuggling, as we have documented.
From the beginning, RAWA announced that the US and the West have
their own reasons for being here and it is not for the freedom of the
Afghan people. We said that what the US/NATO is doing under the name
of democracy is in fact a mockery of democracy. It is clear for us.
Today NATO bombings are increasing, more civilians are being killed,
and other violations are being done by the US and NATO. And now even
they are trying to share power with the Taliban and terrorist party of
Gulbuddin Hekmatyar. If this plot is realized, it will mean another
tragedy for Afghanistan and its people, the unification of all enemies
of Afghan people under one umbrella so they could jointly smash the
Afghan people and freedom-loving individuals and forces.
Under the mafia system and the shadow of gun and warlordism,
unfortunately there is no chance for progressive forces to come to the
scene and work openly. Any serious and stanch anti-fundamentalist and
anti-occupation force still needs to fight underground and they are
not supported and encouraged. In fact the US is afraid to see
emergence of a powerful progressive movement in Afghanistan. Those who
openly criticize the government and warlords face threats,
imprisonment and restrictions. We are facing the same problems and
risks today which we were faced under the Taliban.
The privatization and the free market system imposed on Afghanistan
since 2001 is opening the way for neoliberalism in Afghanistan, which
is another nightmare for our people. We are feelings its disastrous
impact on poor people of Afghanistan. The degree of destitution and
poverty in Afghanistan is beyond imagination. The gap between rich and
poor is getting wider day by day. Over 70% of Afghan people are living
under the poverty line. According to official statistics, 42% are
living with only US$10/month. Skyrocketing prices in recent months
have made life a torture for the majority of Afghan people.
JP: What about the argument that if NATO left, Afghanistan would
quickly fall to the Taliban, which would be worse?
RAWA: It is true that it might be worse under a Taliban regime. But at
least we will not be occupied by a foreign power. Today we have two
problems: our own local fundamentalists and a foreign occupier. If
NATO left we would have one problem rather than two.
RAWA has announced a number of times that neither the US nor any other
power wants to release Afghan people from the fetters of the
fundamentalists. Afghanistan’s freedom can be achieved by Afghan
people themselves. Relying on one enemy to defeat another is a wrong
policy which has just tightened the grip of the Northern Alliance and
their masters on the neck of our nation.
JP: If NATO left the Taliban would also have a more difficult time
portraying themselves as a national liberation movement, an argument
they can make and a source of prestige for them so long as the
occupation continues.
RAWA: Actually both parties depend on each other. If the US were to
eliminate the Taliban somehow, they would find themselves with no
pretext for being here. But the Taliban and terrorism are only a
pretext. They are not honest. They are here for the strategic ends:
the central location from which to control Iran, Russia and China,
affect Pakistan's government and society, strengthen its grip on the
Central Asian Republics and so on. That is why they keep increasing
their military presence and building up bases. NATO will probably
leave, but the US won't – they wanted a pretext for being here, and
the US will not set aside the golden opportunity.
JP: NATO's “development effort” has involved a lot of non-governmental
organizations (NGOs) that have been involved in providing social
services. Is RAWA seen as one of these?
RAWA: RAWA never introduces itself as an NGO. It is a political
organization for women's rights and human rights. But it does try to
meet direct needs and we do run social programs. Actually it is our
political stance and activities that hurt our relations with the NGOs
and agencies and why we don't get funds from foreign governments.
Embassies do not want to give RAWA funds because we are political.
This is in contrast to the thousands of recently established NGOs in
Afghanistan over the past 6-7 years. It is a good business. You will
have some families, with some English and a computer, and they become
an NGO with funds, documents, and proposals being produced in their
homes. Most NGOs that are larger, or bigger aid agencies, are funded
by governments and influenced by those governments. The smaller ones
often get involved in fraud and corruption – they work not for the
Afghan people but for their own purposes. Millions of dollars of funds
go to NGOs and are wasted in overhead, salaries, office expenses, and
so on. They collect huge salaries, they have no long-term projects,
they spend huge amounts for security expenses and vehicles.
NGO-ism is a policy exercised by the West in Afghanistan; it is not
the wish of the Afghan people. The NGO is a good tool to divert people
and especially intellectuals from struggle against occupation. NGOs
defuse political anger and turn people into dependent beggars. In
Afghanistan people say, the US pushed us from Talibanism to NGO-ism!
JP: Your political stance means governments don't want to give you
money. Do you have any criteria for where you will accept donations?
RAWA: The question has not come up since we have not been offered
funds from a government. But we will accept unconditional support from
any source. We rely on individuals and sometimes, groups of feminists
in other countries who support RAWA. We sell our own materials through
income-generating projects, carpets, handicrafts, CDs, posters; we do
fundraising whenever we go on speaking tours to other countries. That
is how we continue. After 9/11 there was some interest in RAWA and we
had good funding for 1-2 years. Today Afghanistan has the same
problems but we have had to scale back our operations, reduce the
numbers of children in our orphanages, and cancel some projects for
lack of funding. RAWA is facing a grave financial problems today which
affects the scales of our activities.
We see a total difference between the Western governments and their
people. Most of these people are not in favor of the policies of their
government towards Afghanistan. I have heard there is a free media in
the US, but also that people do not know much about the outside world
or the policies of their governments. RAWA is proud to receive
donations from individuals, organizations, and groups not linked to
governments, but not from government sources that would put pressure
on RAWA. We would rather forego such money and attempts to control us.
Even if we face problems, one hundred dollars from individuals gives
us courage and lets us know we have support, in a way that thousands
of dollars from a government agency would not.
JP: These projects RAWA runs, they must be underground as well?
RAWA: They are semi-underground but not the way we were under the
Taliban. We are able to run education projects, and have meetings and
gatherings in Afghanistan. But we are not registered with the
government. Even if we were, we know they would try to stop us. We
never use the title RAWA for our projects. People mostly know, but
officially, we are not registered as RAWA – all run as private
activities, initiatives, run by locals.
JP: The primary media source in Afghanistan is the radio. Is it
possible for RAWA to get on the radio? What is RAWA's media strategy?
RAWA: It is not possible at the moment, partly because of the
financial (although some supporters from Italy have suggested they
could raise funds for it, in fact), but mainly because of the security
problem. But we can use some other techniques to run a radio station
if we were provided with the needed funds and equipment. We can run it
without any sign of RAWA in it, but still in the current situation, we
can’t reflect our points of view as clearly and openly as we do
through our web site and magazine, because if we do so, the next day
the radio staff will be gunned down by the warlords.
JP: I read recently that Afghanistan and Pakistan has a growing number
of opium addicts, including women, as a consequence of the war and
displacement. Has RAWA come across this in its social service work?
RAWA: Out of the estimated 26 million population, over one million are
addicted, which include even children and women, and the number are
increasing.
Many people who are involved in poppy fields gradually become
addicted: a mother working in the fields all day with health problems
of her own, can't get her child to sleep or stop crying, she might
give some to her child. There are many women in prisons today, and
large numbers get addicted in prisons.
JP: What is RAWA's perspective on drugs?
RAWA: We think poppy cultivation in Afghanistan is part of the US
regional strategy to control this third biggest global commodity (in
cash terms). And it is not a new phenomenon, but has been a project of
the CIA's covert operations in the region since the start of the
Soviet-Afghan war in 80’s. Today even the US/NATO encourage farmers to
cultivate poppies. There are some reports that even the US troops have
hand in the drug trafficking and the US government makes billions from
the Afghan drug business. The UK military are negotiating deals with
the Taliban on drugs, in Helmand.
Since 2001 the opium cultivation increased over 4,400%. Under the US/
NATO, Afghanistan became world largest opium producer, which produces
93% of world opium. Those engage in the dirty business reach to the
Afghan cabinet and even recently Mr. Karzai was accused by US
officials of supporting the drug-dealers. His brother Wali Karzai
leads the largest network of drugs in Kandahar. Gen. Daud, head of the
counter-narcotics department of the interior ministry, himself is a
famous drug-trafficker! Warlords in the Northern Afghanistan each
control the route of drug-smuggling to the Central Asian Republics.
No one talks about this horrible aspect of the US occupation of
Afghanistan. We are now living under a narco-state and drugs has
already impacted Afghan people with horrible consequences.
JP: As a political organization, what is RAWA's relationship with
political parties in Afghanistan?
RAWA: We have good relations with some. But unfortunately most
political groups, democratic groups, human rights, women's rights, and
intellectuals are not active. Thirty years ago there were lots of
activities of such groups, and RAWA was just one. After the Soviet
invasion and the Northern Alliance, the Taliban and Pakistan, many
activists were arrested, assassinated, or made to flee the country.
Our founder, Meena, and many others, were killed here in Pakistan, in
the killing grounds of the Russian puppets and elsewhere. The past 30
years, the progressive forces of Afghanistan faced many losses and
were always under pressure. And today still they are being
marginalized or neutralized by the NGO-ism policy.
So the most powerful forces on the political scene are fundamentalists
or linked to them, representing them, and using their political
positions to protect them. Movements of left groups and intellectuals
have been greatly weakened. But there are many progressive and freedom-
loving individuals around and we have a long way to go and unite them
under a unified force. There are some small groups too and we are in
touch with them. We have to support each other.
There has been some rather small resistance against the US/NATO and
warlords in some parts of the country. If the US/NATO occupation and
atrocities continue for long, there will be stronger resistance from
Afghan people.
To donate to RAWA, see the Afghan Women's Mission <http://www.afghanwomensmission.org
>.
RAWA's website <http://www.rawa.org> is www.rawa.org.
Justin Podur is a writer and activist based in Toronto. He was in
Pakistan in July 2008. His blog is www.killingtrain.com.
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